The 2021 World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters without Borders (RSF) shows that globally, press freedom is in decline. Although Southeast Asian nations have not had the best track record in journalistic freedom for some years now, 2020 added further challenges, thanks to new fake news regulations, and restricted access to information during the pandemic.
The role of the media in Southeast Asia
Although the media has different functions in society, it primarily plays the role of disseminating information to the public. The media is particularly entwined with politics as it can be used to influence public opinion on the government, based on how information is interpreted and circulated. This, in turn, can put pressure on political actors. Therefore, in the process of disseminating information, the media can preserve sociopolitical order, or upturn it entirely.
It is no surprise, then, that the state tends to limit the ability of the media to operate freely, by means of imposing laws. In an ideal situation, the government would enforce media accountability while balancing public interests and free expression, says Alfred Wu, Associate Professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, and a former journalist himself. "Transparency in different sectors including the public sector would be enhanced via checks by diligent journalists. The government should ensure media freedom while handling misinformation and holding media practitioners accountable for their wrongdoings."
The difficulty is in finding the right balance. Singapore, for example, which ranks 160 in RSF's Press Freedom Index, has been coloured black on the press freedom map, which indicates that the situation there is now classified as "very bad". This is because, according to RSF, the state media is entirely controlled by the government.
On the surface, it could be argued that such control is necessary. Complete freedom of speech also provides a platform for views that may be divisive and cause tensions in society. Applying regulations would ensure that potentially incendiary opinions will not upset the stability of a country.
The state's power over the media is particularly problematic in less-developed nations such as Laos, which ranks 172.
Telecommunication infrastructure is not as accessible for many of its citizens and the government has almost absolute control over mainstream media outlets. Foreign news outlets wishing to set up bureaus are required to submit their material for official review. Due to this, citizens are increasingly turning towards online platforms as a source of information. However, a decree passed in 2014 on "Information Management on the Internet" imposes criminal sanctions on anyone who publishes information attacking the Lao People's Revolutionary Party or the government, making online platforms equally restricted.
Interestingly, Timor Leste ranks significantly higher than its ASEAN counterparts, at 71. Whilst admittedly it is a fairly new country, no journalist there has ever been arrested, and there are fewer constraints on political discussion. By having the freedom to comment on the political process, the media can function as a means of checks and balances on the government.
The recent deterioration of press freedom
Journalists in Southeast Asia have often faced an array of challenges in their line of work. In Vietnam, for example, the media abides by the Communist Party's orders, and independently-reported information is scarce, save for bloggers and freelance journalists. In January this year, three journalists were sentenced to between 11 and 15 years in prison for spreading "anti-state propaganda".
In Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Sen launched a massive campaign against the media in 2018, in order to avoid losing the general elections. Multiple newspapers and radio stations were banned and a large number of staff at various media outlets were fired. Cambodians now only have access to news agencies which are controlled by the state.
In recent times, many countries have also enacted laws to govern the spread of "fake news" and misinformation. Malaysia saw the introduction of the Fake News Act in 2018, and Singapore followed suit in 2019 with the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA). These laws allow action to be taken against alleged falsehoods deemed to be detrimental to the good of society.
However, in some countries, such laws have only enabled the government to further clamp down on freedom of speech. Although Malaysia eventually scrapped its Fake News Act in 2019, it still dropped 18 places to 119 in the 2021 World Press Freedom Index due to increasingly authoritarian measures against journalists and press freedom. A new law that is aimed at tackling fake news pertaining to COVID-19, has been introduced amidst much outcry. Civil society groups claim that the new law is too sweeping, and could be used as a tool to dissuade people from criticising the government.
Additionally, the COVID-19 pandemic has also made things worse. Lockdowns, restriction of movement, the banning of public gatherings and the shift to online communication created new challenges for journalists to access and gather information. This also made it easier for governments to withhold information or restrict dissemination of the same.
The most horrific example of the silencing of the press is the situation currently unfolding in Myanmar. The country currently ranks at 140, but is likely to fall many places due to the ongoing coup. Multiple journalists have been detained, and a complete internet and media blackout has disrupted information flows to and from the country. Not only does this prevent access to information about the violence being perpetrated against the population, it also hinders the citizens from effectively organising protests, despite all their current best efforts.
Mechanisms to protect press freedom
With the situation appearing increasingly dismal, how can press freedom then be preserved?
Governments seeking to justify the restrictions they impose often cite media accountability as the problem. A non-government regulatory authority could be useful in ensuring media integrity. In Europe, RSF has launched a self-regulation initiative that aims to establish norms with its partners Agence France Presse, the European Broadcasting Union and the Global Editors' Network. Ideally, something similar could be established in Southeast Asia.
Additionally, already-existing watchdogs that report media rights violations could be further strengthened. In Cambodia, for example, the Cambodian Journalists Alliance, or CamboJA, was created in late 2019. The organisation aims to maintain an independent body that promotes press freedom, while bolstering the professionalism of journalists and ensuring their livelihoods. This has provided a platform for the country's journalists, while still being granted a limited amount of rights by the government.
Professor Wu stresses the need for good training as well. "Through good training, the quality of journalism can be ensured. Journalists are accountable for their reports. But in the meantime, the court system should protect freedom of speech if no misinformation is involved."
Apart from press freedom, the actual physical safety of members of the press also needs to be addressed. In the Philippines, journalists have been threatened, and some even killed, for their views. In Myanmar, the Committee to Protect Journalists says journalists "have been beaten, shot and injured by live bullets," while doing their jobs in Myanmar since the military coup on February 1st. Journalists who covered the Hong Kong protests claim they were physically assaulted by police officers, and had tear gas or pepper spray aimed directly at them, making it difficult for them to carry out their work.
Regulations that ensure the safety of journalists need to be imposed and adhered to. Here, Professor Wu says there is no room for debate. "The safety of journalists should be protected by all means. This is a basic requirement in a modern public administration system."
(Photo: Nijwam Swargiary)