Guest Column
Sino-Indian border spat: do not poke the distressed dragon
By Daniel Balazs
Image credit: Max Pixel
After more than four decades of relative silence on the disputed Sino-Indian boundary, the edifice of hard-earned stability is cracking. In mid-June, border troops clashed with each other, resulting in deadly casualties. The border confrontation is part of a bigger picture in which China faces severe external and internal challenges. These are extremely volatile times in Chinese foreign policy, necessitating prudence and caution from international actors in their engagement with Beijing.
The current crisis began on May 5, when 250 Chinese and Indian troops brawled and hurled stones at one another in the western section of the disputed boundary at the Pangong Tso lake. On May 9, another fight arose between 150 troops at Nathu La in the middle section of the border. In order to keep tensions at bay, Corps Commanders from both sides convened a meeting on June 6 and officials subsequently asserted that the incident was being defused. However, a lethal conflict erupted on June 15 in the Galwan Valley of the western section, leading to the 20 deaths on the Indian side. At the time of this writing, China remained silent about its losses.
The confrontations signal the gradual breakdown of an intricate set of measures that were implemented after Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s 1988 visit to China. The two sides signed an agreement to maintain tranquillity in 1993, agreed to put limitations on their military capabilities in the border region in 1996, and signed further pacts to ensure that armed encounters between their forces are kept in check. In the meanwhile, Chinese and Indian officials frequently met to discuss the border dispute under the aegis of the Special Representative dialogues, the Expert Group, and the Joint Working Group.
The Ladakh confrontations are bad news, because the stakes could hardly be higher. China and India are the most populous nations on the planet, they are among the most important economies and both possess nuclear weapons. The border dispute creates perpetual volatility in their bilateral interaction, as territorial issues are among the top causes of interstate wars. So, we have more than two billion people, nuclear weapons and a good reason to fight.
How is it possible to avoid further escalation then? It all starts with making sense of the external and internal dynamics of the confrontation. On the external front, this is not the only contentious issue that Beijing is embroiled in. In June, China was charged with expanding territorial claims in the South China Sea, resulting in a pushback from the Philippines, the US and Australia. At the same time, Beijing and Washington are locked in a vicious trade struggle.
Internally, Xi Jinping is in a tough spot. On the one hand, he is engaged in one of the most ambitious power consolidation campaigns in China which involves political purges, institutional overhaul and a probably lengthy tenure as president. Although we are unable to get a peek into the black box of the Chinese political elite, some argue that Xi’s moves continue to encounter opposition in the highest echelons of the Chinese Communist Party. At the same time, Xi has to deal with the political and economic aftermath of the National Security Law in Hong Kong as well as the deepening divide between the mainland and Taiwan.
In some Chinese leaders’ reading, these external and internal challenges overlap. For instance, Defence Ministry spokesman Wu Qian said that external forces cooperate with leaders in Taipei, exacerbating separatism there. China has made similar claims about the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.
Therefore, Chinese actions on the Sino-Indian border were executed by a state facing external and internal challenges. Those are the times when China is inclined to use force in its neighbourhood. Hence, India and other regional actors have to tread carefully in their engagement with the PRC.
Bilaterally, India’s kneejerk reaction might be to reinforce its post-Doklam trajectory of bolstering ties with like-minded states like Japan, the US and Australia. Such a move, however, entails risks. In the run-up to the 1962 and 1967 border confrontations, China referred to India as an agent of US imperialism and Soviet revisionism. This suggests that China is most concerned about Indian actions when they are seen as part of a coordinated effort of containing the PRC. India’s newfound love with the Quad states might exacerbate Chinese threat perceptions and lead to escalation in the border region. India is a prime target in case China wants to demonstrate its prowess against the Quad.
Regionally, China’s neighbours have to be prepared to deal with an irascible China. At times of internal strife, no leader can afford to show weakness on issues related to the state’s core interests. China pushed through the National Security Law in Hong Kong, despite its political and economic repercussions. At the same time, China also stands resolute on the Sino-Indian border while tensions remain high. The same can be expected in the East and South China Sea disputes.
In other words, international actors dealing with China in the near future are looking at a rough ride. The key to manoeuvre for China’s disputants correctly lies in exercising caution in sensitive political issues without compromising one’s own interests.
Daniel Balazs is a Ph.D. candidate at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. His research focuses on Sino-Indian relations and Chinese foreign policy.
The views expressed in the article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position or policy of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy or the National University of Singapore.
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Analyses
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Books and Journals
India’s Evolving Maritime Posture in the Indian Ocean: Opportunities for the Gulf
Emirates Diplomatic Academy, August 2020
By Abhijit Singh, Senior Fellow and Head of Maritime Policy Initiative at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.
The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is witnessing the rise of India as a maritime power. With a vital geographic location in South Asia, astride critical sea-lanes, India is gearing to play an important economic and security role in the region. In line with New Delhi’s growing power and regional aspiration, the Indian navy has expanded its operations in the Western Indian Ocean, the Middle East and the Gulf, positioning itself as a ‘regional security provider’. Notwithstanding conjecture about growing India-China rivalry in the Indian Ocean, the Indian navy’s principal objective is the effective policing of the regional commons. India’s regional maritime strategy is aimed primarily at building bridges of friendship, improving partner capability and expanding crises response capacity.
Compiled and sent to you by Centre on Asia and Globalisation and the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore.
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